الزنكيون الأوائل في المصادر السريانية المعرّبة (521-569هـ/1127-1173م)

الباحث

أكرم عبد الحكيم محمد خضر

المشرف

شكيب راشد بشير آل فتاح

الجامعة

جامعة الموصل

الكلية / القسم

كلية التربية للعلوم الإنسانية / التاريخ

الشهادة

ماجستير

السنة

2024

لغة الرسالة

عربي

الكلمات المفتاحية

الزنكيون; المصادر السريانية; التاريخ الإسلامي; الحروب الصليبية

The Zengid dynasty established itself in Mosul in the year (521 AH/1127 AD) and settled there. It was one of the most prominent families that ruled in the region for more than a century (521-630 AH/1127-1232 AD), starting in Mosul and later extending to include the entire Euphrates Peninsula and the northern Levant during the reign of Mosul. Imad al-Din Zengi, its founder (521-541 AH/1127-1146 AD), then reached Egypt in the year (567 AH/1171 AD) during the reign of his son Nur al-Din Mahmoud (541-569 AH/1146-1173 AD). What distinguished this family from other ruling families: Its appearance at one of the most critical stages of Islamic history, when the Levantine coast was subjected to a Crusader attack at the end of the fifth century AH / the end of the eleventh century AD. The Al- Zenki family was in the first line of defense against that presence. Through the political and military roles of its members, especially during the reigns of Imad al-Din Zengi and his son Nour al-Din Mahmoud . Hence the status of Zangi history became apparent. This prompted the early historians, both Eastern and Western Muslims and Christians, to pay extensive attention to it in their blogs. Many works appeared in different languages by modern researchers, through which they addressed the texts of Zengid history by collecting, investigating, and with different points of view and approaches, each according to the origins of their culture . As for the importance of the subject of the study, it lies in presenting the history of the Zengid family and the biographies of its most prominent members from another point of view, different from the Islamic sources loyal to the Zengids, or Western Latin sources loyal to the Crusaders, and those sources are the Syriac sources, and what is very important, is that the Syriac sources come their advantage, and their special character, when they relate to the Zengids in particular, without the rest of the countries and other local forces; Its importance from the Abbasids, for example, the Seljuks, the Ayyubids, the Aratiqs and others, because the Zengid influence is different from the influence of the forces mentioned, because it overlaps for long periods with the citizens of those historians and their Syriac audience - as we will see - and their places of residence, including the Emirate of Edessa, which had a special ecclesiastical status and was inhabited by Syriacs as the first city in the world to adopt Christianity, and therefore from these circumstances, the historical value of the Syriac narratives about the Zengids in particular, without other local ruling B authorities emerged and subsequent them, This means that the Syriac historians and their audience are part of the population fabric of the Islamic conflict area (Zengi) - Crusader, but they relatively committed to neutrality and not to enter into the midst of those confrontations, not to mention the positive positions of some of them with the Crusader party, and most of the Syriac writers of Islamic history in general, are clerics, so their novels dominated the duality of the ecclesiastical - historical, that is, they paid great attention to the heavenly religious reasons in justifying the causes of the historical event, considering that Most of the losses and calamities are caused by divine anger as a result of human negligence in worshipping the Lord, more than the material and moral reason in many cases, and this, of course, is the basis of their interpretation of history, as this involves within the causal philosophy in the Christian religious interpretation of history, and from this principle it can be said and according to the data of the texts of this study, that the meaning of Syriac history is (a record of human sins and the Lord's punishment for believers who deviated from their mistakes from the complete right decreed for them from Lord), Moreover, the Syriac historians wrote their works in their own Syriac language, which they were distinguished by, and this means that the limited access and reading of them by the rulers of the two parties to the Zengid-Crusader conflict at the very least, or even by the neutral who reads them, will be minimal, and therefore they did not find embarrassment in writing down what actually happened from their point of view, even if its content was negative about the Zengids specifically, unlike Muslim historians who did not see in Their blogs are most often real daring based on presenting negative descriptions and criticisms clearly and explicitly (unveiled), This is regardless of the fact that the Syriac historians in some of their texts needed to understand more regarding the details of the event related to Islamic culture and the nature of its application by the Zengid princes in particular, and perhaps the motive for this is the limited knowledge of the principles and origins of that culture, which confused some of their texts and their understanding, for example, when Nur al-Din Mahmoud was committed to the teachings of the Prophet and applied them accurately, Mar Michael considered him to be _ that is, Nur al-Din _ He wants from that to become a prophet _as we shall see_ he is, And not just that he was an admirer and imitator of the personality of the Prophet, and all this means that the Syriac text will be treated in this study, as a Syriac Christian vision of the Zengid event , and the follower of the texts of the Syriac historians as they write down the Zengids, finds that they are not interested in what is not deeply related to Christians in general, that is, they were interested in the Zengid events in which the Crusader forces were a party . From those circumstances, the value of the Syriac novel about the Zengid family emerged, and its book produced unique texts about Muslim historians, whether negative singles described the Zengids and their biographies, taking into account that those negative descriptions were not fabricated, as much as they represented their point of view, and perhaps they are true and Muslim historians are reluctant to mention them, or positive singularities that added value to the Zengi family and were not contained in the Muslim historians themselves, but the most important paradox point revealed by This study of the members of the Zengid family, specifically Imad al-Din al-Zengi and his son Nur al-Din Mahmoud, is that their image among Syriac historians appeared differently, It is even contrary to their image when Muslim historians, who as is known considered – in a veiled way – that Imad al-Din Zengi was inclined to the character of coarseness in his dealings with his enemies, either Nur al-Din Mahmoud Vsooroh – any Muslim historians – as a pious and ascetic, even called in some Islamic blogs (the sixth caliph) after Omar bin Abdul Aziz (99-101 AH / 717-719 AD) as a result of those attributes, while after tracing the texts of the biography of Imad al-Din Zengi and his son Nur al- Din Mahmoud In Syriac sources, the opposite appeared, as Syriac historians – sometimes – portrayed the biography of Imad al-Din with a human character and nobility in dealing with his enemies and that he possesses the spirit of tolerance in his military confrontations, For example, when he opened Edessa in 539 AH / 1144 AD, and how Syriac historians portrayed his human nobility in dealing, as for Nur al-Din Mahmoud, his image among Syriac historians did not indicate that he applies to what Muslim historians described him; on the contrary, many Syriac texts appeared and were discussed in the body of this study, have been referred directly and indirectly, To clarify this problem, it must be said that the views of those Syriac historians - which we do not exclude that they are correct in several places - about Imad al-Din Zengi and his son Nur al-Din Mahmoud, are originally not based on their perceptions of the roles of Zengi and his son in a comprehensive manner and with all their enemies, politically and militarily, but rather for each of them to deal with D the Syriacs audience of these historians on the face of Specifically, according to the nature of this dealing, whether sympathetic flexible, or sharp, formed the view of Syriac historians about the members of the Zengid family, and this is self-evident and necessary, governed by the author's environment and tendencies pointed out that Nour El-Din Mahmoud was inclined to be strict in his dealings with his enemies, To illustrate this problem, it must be said that the views of these Syriac historians - which we do not exclude that they are correct in several places - about Imad al-Din Zengi and his son Nur al-Din Mahmoud, are originally not based on their perceptions of the roles of Zengi and his son comprehensively and with all their enemies, politically and militarily, but because each of them deals with the Syriacs audience of these historians specifically, and according to the nature of this dealing, whether sympathetic flexible, or sharp poison . The view of the Syriac historians about the members of the Zengid family was formed, and this is self- evident and necessary, governed by the author's environment and tendencies . From that importance of the Syriac novel, the subject of this study came under the title " The first Zengids in the Syriac Arabized sources (521-569 AH / 1127-1173 AD) " , i.e. stopping after the death of Nur al- Din Mahmoud, and despite the collection of texts to the year (630 AH / 1232 AD), but it was very few , so the study came during the reigns of Imad al-Din Zengi (521-541 AH / 1127-1146 AD) and his son Nur al-Din Mahmud (541-569 AH / 1146-1173 AD) and through three contemporary Syriac historians of the family Al-Zangid in general , relying on their works translated into Arabic by Syriac translators, and these historians are Mar Michael the Great Syriac (d. 596 AH / 1199 AD), the unknown Rahawi (was alive 632 AH / 1234 AD) , and Ibn al-Abri (d. 685 AH / 1234 AD) . As for the methodology adopted in this study, it was based on dealing with events, event, year after year, and then criticizing the Arabized text regarding its writer and its environment, as well as typographical errors whenever it is mentioned, and revealing the accuracy of Madonah that writer, and thus will result from the views of Syriac historians about members of the Zengid family, are they neutral, positive or negative? Taking into account occasionally, the same event is traced in Islamic sources, to find out where the views of both parties differ, relying on the most inclined and close Muslim historians temporally and spatially to the E Zengids, starting with Ibn al-Atheer (d. 630 AH / 1232 AD), and then comes after him - in terms of importance, although the latter was sympathetic in many of his texts with the Zengi family because he and his family worked with their state - Ibn al-Qalansi (d. 555 AH / 1160 AD) and Ibn al-Adim (d. 660 AH / 1261 AD). and Abu Shama (d. 665 AH / 1266 AD), And these all lived within the main areas of influence Zengi, namely Mosul, Aleppo and Damascus, and all of this was after giving a brief summary of the subject of the paragraph to be talked about, in order to clarify the event to the reader, in order to call for an understanding of the Syriac narratives that often did not cover the event fully, then comes the employment of Syriac texts depending on the chronology of the death of its writers, in addition, it has been noted that some events were not mentioned before Syriac historians in order to produce knowledge and science, for example, what was mentioned in the body of the study that the Syriac historians did not mention all the events mentioned by the Islamic sources, so they were mainly interested in the events of the Zengid - Crusader, indifferent to the events of Zengid with local forces in many places, and every Syriac historian when he does not address the event to be talked about in the paragraph, and was mentioned by his peers, it is stated that He did not say , with a possible reason that prompted him to do so, whether they were his own motives, or the difficulty of obtaining the sources of that event .

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